Admiring head nod at the author of this for calling it a coup in the first sentence. That was nicely done. But in case it wasn't clear when the military pressured Morales to resign, or when a bunch of bible-toting (literally) lunatics marched into the presidential palace, or when they started arresting members of Morales' party and striking them from the new presidential ballot - now it's clear by math that this was a legitimately elected government overthrown by violence.

Furthermore, it's a coup that was pretty widely welcomed by the current administration and no small amount of Democrats. If cheering an undemocratic rebellion by a minority party of fascists is the sort of thing that you don't want to be a part of US involvement in the world, you're in luck because the coup occurred during the current campaign cycle. I'd recommend going back to November to find out what your preferred candidate had to say about this at the time if you'd like a hint about what they'd say about similar events during their administration.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2020/02/26/bolivia-dismissed-its-october-elections-fraudulent-our-research-found-no-reason-suspect-fraud/

Bolivia dismissed its October elections as fraudulent. Our research found no reason to suspect fraud.

By John Curiel and Jack R. Williams
Feb. 27, 2020 at 7:45 a.m. EST
As Bolivia gears up for a do-over election on May 3, the country remains in unrest following the Nov. 10 military-backed coup against incumbent President Evo Morales.

A quick recap: Morales claimed victory in October’s election, but the opposition protested about what it called electoral fraud. A Nov. 10 report from the Organization of American States (OAS) noted election irregularities, which “leads the technical audit team to question the integrity of the results of the election on October 20.” Police then joined the protests and Morales sought asylum in Mexico.

The military-installed government charged Morales with sedition and terrorism. A European Union monitoring report noted that some 40 former electoral officials have been arrested and face criminal charges of sedition and subversion, and 35 people have died in the post-electoral conflict. The highest-polling presidential candidate, a member of Morales’s Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS-IPSP) party, has received a summons from prosecutors for undisclosed crimes, a move some analysts suspect was aimed to keep him off the ballot.

The media has largely reported the allegations of fraud as fact. And many commentators have justified the coup as a response to electoral fraud by MAS-IPSP. However, as specialists in election integrity, we find that the statistical evidence does not support the claim of fraud in Bolivia’s October election.

The OAS claimed that election fraud had happened

The primary support for claims of fraud was the OAS report. The organization’s auditors claimed to have found evidence of fraud following a halt in the preliminary count — the nonbinding election-night results meant to track progress before the official count.

The Bolivian constitution requires that a candidate either earn an outright electoral majority or 40 percent of the votes, with at least a 10-percentage-point lead. Otherwise, a runoff election will take place. The preliminary count halted with 84 percent of the vote counted, when Morales had a 7.87 percentage-point lead. Though the halt was consistent with election officials’ earlier promise to count at least 80 percent of the preliminary vote on election night and continue through the official count, the OAS quickly expressed concern over the stop. When the preliminary count resumed, Morales’s margin was above the 10-percentage-point threshold.

The OAS claimed that halting the preliminary count resulted in a “highly unlikely” trend in the margin in favor of MAS-IPSP when the count resumed. The OAS reported “deep concern and surprise at the drastic and hard-to-explain change in the trend of the preliminary results.” Adopting a novel approach to fraud analysis, the OAS claimed that high deviations in data reported before and after the cutoff would indicate potential evidence of fraud.

But the statistical analysis behind this claim is problematic

The OAS report is in part based on forensic evidence that OAS analysts say points to irregularities, which includes allegations of forged signatures and alteration of tally sheets, a deficient chain of custody, and a halt in the preliminary vote count. Crucially, the OAS claimed in reference to the halt in the preliminary vote count that “an irregularity on that scale is a determining factor in the outcome​” in favor of Morales, which acted as the primary quantitative evidence to their allegations of “clear manipulation of the TREP system … which affected the results of both that system and the final count.”

We do not evaluate whether these irregularities point to deliberate interference — or reflect the problems of an underfunded system with poorly trained election officials. Instead, we comment on the statistical evidence.

Since Morales had surpassed the 40-percent threshold, the key question was whether his vote tally was 10 percentage points higher than that of his closest competitor. If not, then Morales would be forced into a runoff election against his closest competitor — former president Carlos Mesa.

Our results were straightforward. There does not seem to be a statistically significant difference in the margin before and after the halt of the preliminary vote. Instead, it is highly likely that Morales surpassed the 10-percentage-point margin in the first round.

How did we get there? The OAS approach relies on dual assumptions: that the unofficial count accurately reflects the vote continuously measured, and that reported voter preferences do not vary by the time of day. If these assumptions are true, then a change in the trend to favor one party over time could potentially indicate fraud had occurred.

The OAS cites no previous research demonstrating that these assumptions hold. There are reasons to believe that voter preferences and reporting can vary over time: with people who work voting later in the day, for instance. Areas where impoverished voters are clustered may have longer lines and less ability to count and report vote totals quickly. These factors may well apply in Bolivia, where there are severe gaps in infrastructure and income between urban and rural areas.

Was there a discontinuity between the votes counted before and after the unofficial count? For sure, discontinuities might be evidence of tampering. In Russia, for instance, one allegation is that local election officials stuff ballot boxes to meet preset targets.

If the OAS finding was correct, we would expect to see Morales’s vote margin spike shortly after the preliminary vote count halted — and the resulting election margin over his closest competitor would be too large to be explained by his performance before preliminary count stopped. We might expect to see other anomalies, such as sudden shifts in votes for Morales from precincts that were previously less inclined to vote for him.

We didn’t find any evidence of any of these anomalies, as this figure shows. We find a 0.946 correlation between Morales’s margin between results before and after the cutoff in precincts counted before and after the cutoff. There is little observable difference between precincts in the results before and after the count halt, suggesting that there weren’t any significant irregularities. We and other scholars within the field reached out to the OAS for comment; the OAS did not respond.

We also ran 1,000 simulations to see if the difference between Morales’s vote and the tally for the second-place candidate could be predicted, using only the votes verified before the preliminary count halted. In our simulations, we found that Morales could expect at least a 10.49 point lead over his closest competitor, above the necessary 10-percentage-point threshold necessary to win outright. Again, this suggests that any increase in Morales’s margin after the stop can be explained entirely by the votes already counted.

There isn’t statistical support for the claims of vote fraud

There is not any statistical evidence of fraud that we can find — the trends in the preliminary count, the lack of any big jump in support for Morales after the halt, and the size of Morales’s margin all appear legitimate. All in all, the OAS’s statistical analysis and conclusions would appear deeply flawed.

Previous research published here in the Monkey Cage finds that economic and racial differences make it difficult to verify voter registration in the United States, resulting in higher use of provisional ballots among Democrats — and greater support for Democratic candidates among votes counted after Election Day. Under the OAS criteria for fraud, it’s possible that U.S. elections in which votes that are counted later tend to lean Democratic might also be classified as fraudulent. Of course, electoral fraud is a serious problem, but relying on unverified tests as proof of fraud is a serious threat to any democracy.

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"Walleye, a lot of things are going to go wrong in your life that technically aren't your fault. Always remember that this doesn't make you any less of an idiot"

--Walleye's Dad

Knowing things and putting in the work to understand things is important. So important, in fact, that this work is definitionally ongoing. There were a lot of Officially Sanctioned Important People who assured us when this coup occurred that it was actually democracy resolving itself against abuse.

Don't let a few months of news cycle bail them out. It's good for them and good for us that they get called on being wrong about this.

______________________________

"Walleye, a lot of things are going to go wrong in your life that technically aren't your fault. Always remember that this doesn't make you any less of an idiot"

--Walleye's Dad

Let me go on and read this article

I'm pleased that other candidates are willing to say the right things about our recent track record abroad - but I believe that their unwillingness to be specific about the harm we've done means that the difference between them and Sanders is a difference in kind and not just degree. He was willing to call this coup at the time what it obviously was. Others were ... careful. And careful is good, but it's not the same thing as being right.

Adding noise to the already regrettable conversation about American foreign policy is the extremely dumb narrative about the Deep State that the Trump presidency has made us sit through. The fact that they're crazy and the fact that there is no secret room of politicians and military officials conspiring to divvy up international power doesn't mean that there isn't a group of government officials, especially in intelligence, who are in charge of determining and implementing American foreign policy but who are not themselves at all accountable to the public because they're:

a)not elected
b)not transparent just by the nature of their work

Ben Rhodes' discussion of "The Blob" as this huge and complex foreign policy business (for lack of a better term) that moves policy through inertia is a much healthier way to talk about this, but Trump's ranting about the Deep State and mainstream libs growing paranoia about Russia has made that conversation nearly impossible.

If we want America to just stop doing awful things abroad, it's not enough to just say "awful things are bad". We actually have to identify the awful things. Identify the bad actors. Identify what you intend to do about the bad actors.

I'd be pleased to hear about any candidate who is willing to sign on, generally, to the idea that our interference in foreign governments is deeply immoral and, incidentally, often damaging to American interests. But I'm pretty sure Sanders is the only one to say why and how. And while we're here, I'm also pretty sure that socialism - insofar as it is an international movement of working class solidarity - is the only political ideology that won't thrust us back into the same bad behavior.

______________________________

"Walleye, a lot of things are going to go wrong in your life that technically aren't your fault. Always remember that this doesn't make you any less of an idiot"

--Walleye's Dad

His future Sec. of State also addressed it:

https://twitter.com/tulsigabbard/status/1197793248225267712?lang=en


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Good for Tulsi. Bad for me.

______________________________

"Walleye, a lot of things are going to go wrong in your life that technically aren't your fault. Always remember that this doesn't make you any less of an idiot"

--Walleye's Dad